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I 


AN ACCOUNT 


OF THE 


BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. 


WRITTEN FOR THE FORT FOLIO, AT THE REQUEST OF THE EDITOR. 


BY H. DEARBORN, MAJ. GEN. U. S. A, 


ILLUSTRATED BY A MAP 

DRAWN BY HENRY DE BERNIERE, TENTH ROYAL BRITISH INFANTRI; 

AND CORRECTED BY GEN. DEARBORN. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED BY HARRISON HALL, NO. 133 CHESNUT STREET. 
J. Maxwell, Printer. 

1818 , 

t , 










DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, to wit: 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the 1st day of February, in the forty- 
second year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 
1818, Harrison Hall, of the said district, hath deposited in this office 
the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words 
following, to wit: 

An Account of the Battle of Bunker Hill, Written for the 

Port Folio , at the request of the Editor . By H. Dearborn , 
Maj . Gen . U. S. A. Illustrated by a Map drawn by 
Henry de Bernier , tenth Royal British Infantry; and 
corrected by Gen . Dearborn . 

In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States entitled, “An 
act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, 
charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the 
times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “ An act supple¬ 
mentary to an act entitled “ An act for the encouragement of learning, 
by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and -ro- 
prietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned, and extending 
the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching histo¬ 
rical and other prints. 

DAVID CALDWELL, 

Clerk of the District of Pennsylvania. 


INTRODUCTION. 




r l O this action, so memorable in the annals of our country, the attention 
of the editor was attracted by the following article, which appeared not 
long since in a village journal:* 

“ I stepped into the house of a friend the other evening, and he told me 
that in rummaging over some old drawers, he found a curiosity. It was in¬ 
deed very interesting and curious, to me at least; I dare say it would be so 
to you, reader. The thing referred to was a view or plan of the battle of 
Bunker’s Hill, taken by a British officer at the time, who was in the en¬ 
gagement. The execution was in a style of uncommon neatness: and as far 
as it was possible for me to judge, extremely and minutely accurate. The 
references were numerous and particular. The place of landing of the Bri¬ 
tish was laid down—each regiment numbered—dhe artillery and light in¬ 
fantry particularly designated—the precise line of march pointed out—the 
situation of the American posts of defence: even to a barn, and particular 
force that attacked the barn laid down, the place of the greatest carnage 
or loss of the British—the vessels that were moored fo annoy our people— 
the battery that played upon our fortifications—the line of retreat, and 
the situation of the craft stationed to cut off our troops; the situation of 
the commanding officer of the British; and indeed every thing that could 
tend to give a full and clear idea of the situation and movements of the par¬ 
ies. On looking over this map, deep and strong emotions were excited— 
ride, at the glorious defence made by our undisciplined American yeo¬ 
manry against the best regular forces of the old world—patriotism, by con¬ 
sidering the spirit and devotion of our militia in defence of freedom and 
their country—pity for the suffering of the number who fell, and admira¬ 
tion of the dauntless spirit of the assailants and the assailed. At the same 
time it was impossible to repress the smile—half in anger and half in mirth 
—at the repetition of the word “ Rebels,” which occurred so often in the 


* “ The Gleaner,” published at Wilkesbarre, by Charles Miner, Esq. 


4 


delineation. It brought to our minds “ the battle of kegs,” where the 
frequent use of the odious and contemptible expression is so handsome lj 
ridiculed. 

“ This probably is the only accurate plan of that memorable battle in ex¬ 
istence. It ought certainly to be engraved, and the copies multiplied, to¬ 
gether with a correct account of the engagement, and to be in the posses¬ 
sion of every friend to the liberties of the country.” 

The very interesting document, which is here so well described as to 
leave nothing to be added by us, was found, upon inquiry, in the possession 
of Jacob Cist, Esq. of Wilkesbarre, who readily put it into our hands, 
for the purpose suggested in the preceding extract. An engraving was 
accordingly prepared by Mr. F airman; and as it was desirable that it 
should receive every advantage of which it is susceptible, a proof-sheet 
was submitted to general Dearborn. This gentleman has indicated a few 
errors, which, with his approbation, we have corrected (in red) without re¬ 
moving what appeared to him amiss; as it was deemed unnecessary to dis¬ 
turb the original. We are also indebted to him for the account of the bat¬ 
tle which we are about to present to our readers. This memoir contains the 
most minute and particular view of these transactions that has yet appear¬ 
ed. Taken in conjunction with the Notes of general D. and the Map, 
which is copiedfrom the original , in our possession, we are authorised by this 
officer to state, that it presents “ a clear and satisfactory” view of the sub¬ 
ject. It is entitled to great respect, as the evidence of one who bore a part 
in that gallant struggle, and who has resided, from his earliest days, in the 
vicinity of the ground, where 

The martyr’s glory crown’d the soldier’s fight— 

The fervid pen of one of our most popular writers has recently described 

The backward mutters of dissevering power 

which Henry, in these portentous times, was pouring from the South: in 
the battle of Bunker Hill we shall find the torch of civil liberty scattering 
its lights through the regions of the North, 




v 


I 


I 


I 


I 


I 


I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

t 

I 

I 









































REFERENCE S 


A. .First Position where yf remained tuvtil yf Rei¬ 

nforcement arrived A-______ NW a 

B. Second Position _—___ St 

C. Ground on which v! different Reaiments marched to 
form tyf Line 

D. Direction in which yf attac'd ve Redoubt k Breastwork 

* •/ _ A 

E . Part of yf fyk Marines to silence yf fire of a Same E 

jF . First Position of yf Cannon .. — ^ -- -th 

(G. Second Bf in advancing with yf Grenadiers hut stopt 
V by the Marsh 

\\. Breast work formed <f Pickets Hay Stones with three 

prices tf Cannon _ __ ___ _ ss 

I . Light Infantry advancing along yf Shore to force 

ip right of v e Breastworke H 

K.L .The Lively t Falcon hauled close to Shore to rake 

yf low Ground before i/f Troops Advanced _ _ f 

M. Gondolas that fired on yf Rebels in their retreat 

1ST. Battery tff Cannon k Howitz k Mortars on Cops Hill 

that Battered ve Redoubt k set fire to Charles Town 

' *8 
O. the Rebels behind all y e Stone Walls Trees k Brash 

•r A 

P .Place from whence yf Grenadiers receiv’d a verry heavy 

fire ___— f) 

if. Position <f vf .52 Regf night of yf if 
li.f? th Itepf in Charles Town night, f yf if tA 

S. Detachments in ye Mill k two Houses 

T. Breastwork, thrown up by yf remainder if yf Hoops 
on yf night of ye ij 


Enteied according to act of Congress the 70 ?day of Febuary 
1818 by Harrison Hall, of the State tf Pennsylvania . 

aV.B. The parts in red are corrections <f the original by May Gen H 
Dearborn ( see the notesl.ftJtc annexed to his account f the action 




























































































































































































































































THE 


BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. 


On the sixteenth of June, 1775, it was determined that a forti¬ 
fied post should be established at or near Bunker’s Hill. 

A detachment of the army was ordered to advance early in the 
evening of that day, and commence the erection of a strong work 
on the heights in the rear of Charlestown, at that time called 
Breed’s Hill, but from its proximity to Bunker Hill, the battle 
has taken its name from the latter eminence, which overlooks it. 

The work was commenced and carried on under the direction 
of such engineers as we were able to procure, at that time. It 
was a square redoubt, the curtains of which were about sixty or 
seventy feet in extent, with an entrenchment, or breast work, ex¬ 
tending fifty or sixty feet from the northern angle, towards Mys¬ 
tic river. 

In the course of the night the ramparts had been raised to the 
height of six or seven feet, with a small ditch at their base, but it 
was yet in a rude and very imperfect state. Being in full view 
from the northern heights of Boston, it was discovered by the 
enemy, as soon as day-light appeared, and a determination was 
immediately formed by general Gage, for dislodging our troops 
from this new and alarming position. Arrangements were 
promptly made for effecting this important object. The move¬ 
ments of the British troops, indicating an attack, were soon dis¬ 
covered; in consequence of which, orders were immediately is¬ 
sued for the march of a considerable part of our army to reinforce 
the detachment at the redoubts on Breed’s Hill; but such was the 
imperfect state of discipline, the want of knowledge in military sci¬ 
ence, and the deficiency of the materials of war, that the movement 


;| 


6 


of the troops was extremely irregular and devoid of every thing 
like concert—each regiment advancing according to the opinions, 
feelings , or caprice, of its commander. 

Colonel Stark's* regiment was quartered in Medford, distant 
about four miles from the point of anticipated attack. It then con¬ 
sisted of thirteen companies, and was probably the largest re¬ 
giment in the army. About ten o’clock in the morning he receiv¬ 
ed orders to march. The regiment being destitute of ammunition, 
it was formed in front of a house occupied as an arsenal, where 
each man received & gill-cup. full of powder, fifteen balls, and one 
flint. 

The several captains were then ordered to march their compa¬ 
nies to their respective quarters, and make up their powder and 
bail into cartridges, with the greatest possible despatch. As 
there were scarcely two muskets in a company of equal caliber, 
it was necessary to reduce the size of the balls for many of them; 
and as but a small proportion of the men had cartridge boxes, the 
remainder made use of powder horns and ball pouches. 

After completing the necessary preparations lor action, the re¬ 
giment formed, and marched about one o’clock. When it reached 
Charlestown Neck, we found two regiments halted, in conse¬ 
quence of a heavy enfilading fire thrown across it, of round, bar, 
and chain shot, from the Lively frigate, and floating batteries an¬ 
chored in Charles river, and a floating battery laying in the 
river Mystic. Major M i Clary went forward, and observed to the 
commanders, if they did not intend to move on, he wished them to 
open and let our regiment pass: the latter was immediately done. 
My company being in front, I marched by the side of col Stark, 
who, moving with a very deliberate pace, I suggested the propri¬ 
ety of quickening the march of the regiment, that it might sooner 
be relieved from the galling cross fire of the enemy With a look 
peculiar to himself, he fixed his eyes upon me, and observed with 
great composure, “ Dearborn—one fresh man in action is ‘worth 

* This distinguished veteran is still alive, in the ninety-first year of hi3 
age, and resides in the state of New Hampshire. 

He is one of the only three surviving general officers of the revolution¬ 
ary war. The other two are major general St. Clair , who lives in the inte¬ 
rior of Pennsylvania, and brigadier general Huntington , of Connecticut. 


7 


ten fatigued onesf and continued to advance in the same cool and 
collected manner. When we reached the top of Bunker’s Hill, 
where general Putnam had taken his station, the regiment halted 
for a few moments for the rear to come up. 

Soon after, the enemy were discovered to have landed on the 
shore of Morton’s point, in front of Breed’s Hill, under cover of a 
tremendous fire of shot and shells from a battery on Copp’s Hill, 
in Boston, which had opened on the redoubt at day-break. 

Major general Howe , and brigadier general Pigot, were the 
commanders of the British forces which first landed, consisting 
of four battalions of infantry, ten companies of grenadiers, and ten 
of light infantry, with a train of field artillery. They formed as 
they disembarked, but remained in that position, until they were 
reinforced by another detachment. 

At this moment the veteran and gallant colonel Stark harangued 
his regiment in a short but animated address; then directed them 
to give three cheers, and make a rapid movement to the rail 
fence which ran from the left, and about forty yards in the rear of 
the redoubt towards Mystic river. Part of the grass having been 
recently cut, lay in winnows and cocks on the field. Another fence 
was taken up—the rails run through the one in front, and the hay, 
mown in the vicinity, suspended upon them, from the bottom to 
the top, which had the appearance of a breast work, but was, in 
fact, no real cover to the men; it however served as a deception 
on the enemy. This was done by the direction of the “ committee 
of safety ,” of which Wm. Winthrop, esq., who then, and now 
lives in Cambridge, was one, as he has within a few years informed 
me. 

At the moment our regiment was formed in the rear of the rail 
fence, with one other small regiment from New Hampshire, under 
the command of colonel Reid , the fire commenced between the 
left wing of the British army, commanded by general Howe , and 
the troops in the redoubt under colonel Prescott , while a column 
of the enemy was advancing on our left, on the shore of Mystic ri¬ 
ver, with an evident intention of turning our left wing, and that ve¬ 
teran and most excellent regiment of Welsh fusileers, so distin¬ 
guished for its gallant conduct in the battle of Minden, advanced 
in column directly on the rail fence; when within eighty or an hun- 


8 


dred yards, displayed into line, with the precision and firmness of 
troops on parade, and opened a brisk but regular fire by platoons, 
which was returned by a well directed, rapid, and fatal discharge 
from our whole line. 

The action soon became general, and very heavy from right to 
left. In the course of ten or fifteen minutes the enemy gave way 
at all points, and retreated in great disorder; leaving a large num¬ 
ber of dead and wounded on the field. 

The firing ceased for a short time, until the enemy again form¬ 
ed, advanced and recommenced a spirited fire from his whole line. 
Several attempts were again made to turn our left, but the troops 
having thrown up a slight stone wall on the bank of the river and 
laying down behind it, gave such a deadly fire, as cut down almost 
every man of the party opposed to them; while the fire from the 
redoubt and the rail fence was so well directed and so fatal, espe¬ 
cially to the British officers, that the whole army was compelled 
a second time to retreat with precipitation and great confusion. 
At this time the ground occupied by the enemy was covered with 
his dead and wounded. Only a few small detached parties again 
advanced, which kept up a distant ineffectual scattering fire, until 
a strong reinforcement arrived from Boston which advanced on 
the southern declivity of the hill, in the rear of Charlestown. When 
this column arrived opposite that angle of the redoubt which faced 
Charlestown, it wheeled by platoons to the right and advanced di¬ 
rectly upon the redoubt without firing a gun. By this time our 
ammunition was exhausted. A few men only had a charge left. 

The advancing column made an attempt to carry the redoubt 
by assault, but at the first onset every man that mounted the para¬ 
pet was cut down, by the troops within, who had formed on the 
opposite side, not being prepared with bayonets to meet a charge. 

The column wavered for a moment, but soon formed again; 
when a forward movement was made with such spirit and intre¬ 
pidity as to render the feeble efforts of a handful of men, without 
the means of defence, unavailing, and they fled through an open 
space, in the rear of the redoubt, which had been left for a gate¬ 
way. At this moment the rear of the British column advanced 
round the angle of the redoubt and threw in a galling flank fire 
upon our troops, as they rushed from it, which killed and wounded 


9 


a greater number than had fallen before during the action. The 
whole of our line immediately after gave away and retreated with 
rapidity and disorder towards Bunker Hill; carrying off as many of 
the wounded as possible, so that only thirty six or seven fell into 
the hands of the enemy, among whom were Lt. Col. Parker and 
two or three other officers who fell in or near the redoubt. 

When the troops arrived at the summit of Bunker Hill, we found 
Gen. Putnam with nearly as many men as had been engaged 
in the battle; notwithstanding which no measures had been taken 
for reinforcing us, nor was there a shot fired to cover our retreat, 
or any movement made to check the advance of the enemy to this 
height, but on the contrary Gen. Putnam rode off, with a number 
of sfiades and fiick-axes in his hands and the troops that had re¬ 
mained with him inactive , during the whole of the action, although 
within a few hundred yards of the battle ground and no obstacle to 
impede their movement but musket balls. 

The whole of the troops now descended the northwestern de¬ 
clivity pf Bunker Hill and recrossed the neck. Those of the New 
Hampshire line retired towards Winter Hill, and the others on to 
Prospect Hill. 

Some slight works were thrown up in the course of the evening, 
—strong advance pickets were posted on the roads leading to 
Charlestown, and the troops anticipating an attack, rested on their 
arms. 

It is a most extraordinary fact that the British did not make a 
single charge during the battle, which, if attempted, would have 
been decisive and fatal to the Americans, as they did not carry in¬ 
to the field fifty bayonets. In my company there was not one. 

Soon after the commencement of the action a detachment from 
the British force in Boston was landed in Charlestown and within 
a few moments the whole town appeared in a blaze. A dense co¬ 
lumn of smoke rose to a great height and there being a gentle 
breeze from the south west, it hung like a thunder cloud over the 
contending armies.—A very few houses escaped the dreadful con¬ 
flagration of this devoted town. 

From similar mistakes, the fixed ammunition furnished for the 
field-pieces was calculated for guns of a larger caliber, which pre. 
vented the use of field artillery on both sides. There was no cavalry 

B 


10 


in either army. From the ships of war and the large battery on 
Copp’s Hill a heavy cannonade was kept up upon our line and re¬ 
doubt, from the commencement to the close of the action, and 
during the retreat; but with very little effect; except that of killing 
the brave Major Andrew M < ‘Clary of Col. Stark*s regiment soon 
after we retired from Bunker Hill. He was among the first offi¬ 
cers of the army. Possessing a sound judgment, of undaunted 
bravery,—enterprising, ardent and zealous, both as a patriot and 
soldier. His loss was severely felt by his compatriots in arms, 
while his country was deprived of the services of one of her most 
promising and distinguished champions of liberty. 

After leaving the field of battle I met him and drank some spirit 
and water with him. He was animated and sanguine in the result 
of the conflict for Independence, from the glorious display of va¬ 
lor, which had distinguished his countrymen on that ever memo¬ 
rable day. 

He soon observed that the British troops on Bunker Hill ap¬ 
peared in motion and said he would go and reconnoitre them, to 
see whether they were coming out over the neck, at the same time 
directing me to march my company down the road towards Charles¬ 
town. We were then at Tuft’s house near Ploughed Hill. I 
immediately made a forward movement to the position he directed 
me to take, and halted while he proceeded to the old pound, which 
stood on the site now occupied as a tavern-house not far from the 
entrance to the neck. After he had satisfied himself that the 
enemy did not intend to leave their strong posts on the heights, he 
was returning towards me, and when within twelve or fifteen rods 
of where I stood, with my company, a random cannon-shot, from 
one of the frigates laying near where the centre of Craige’s bridge 
now is, passed directly through his body and put to flight one of 
the most heroic souls that ever animated man. 

He leaped two or three feet from the ground, pitched forward, 
and fell dead upon his face.—I had him carried to Medford where 
he was interred, with all the respect and honours we could exhibit to 
the manes of a great and good man. He was my bosom friend; 
we had grown up together on terms of the greatest intimacy and 
I loved him as a brother. 

My position in the battle, more the result of accident, than any 


11 


regularity of formation, was on the right of the line, at the rail 
fence, which afforded me a fair view of the whole scene of ac¬ 
tion. 

Our men were intent on cutting down every officer whom they 
could distinguish in the British line. When any of them discov¬ 
ered one he would instantly exclaim “ there ,** “ see that officer” 
“ let us have a shot at him” when two or three would fire at the 
same moment; and as our soldiers were excellent marksmen and 
rested their muskets over the fence, they were sure of their object. 
An officer was discovered to mount near the position of Gen. 
Howe, on the left of the British line and ride towards our left; which 
a column was endeavouring to turn. This was the only officer 
on horse-back during the day and as he approached the rail fence, 
I heard a number of our men observe, “ there,” “ there,’*—“ see 
that officer on horseback,**—“ let us fire,’* “ no, not yet,”—“ wait 
until he gets to that little knoll,”—“ now”—when they fired and 
he instanly fell dead, from his horse. It proved to be Major Pit¬ 
cairn,—a distinguished officer.—The fire of the enemy was so 
badly directed, I should presume that forty-nine balls out of fifty 
passed from one to six feet over our heads, for I noticed an apple 
tree, some paces in the rear, which had scarcely a ball in it, from 
the ground as high as a man’s head, while the trunk and branches 
above were literally cut to pieces. 

I commanded a full company in action and had only one man 
killed and five wounded, which was a full average of the loss we 
sustained, excepting those who fell while sallying from the re¬ 
doubt, when it was stormed by the British column. 

Our total loss in killed was eighty-eight, and as well as I can 
recollect upwards of two hundred wounded. Our platoon officers 
carried fusees. 

In the course of the action, after firing away what ammunition 
( I had, I walked on to the higher ground to the right, in rear of the 
redoubt with an expectation of procuring from some of the dead 
or wounded men who lay there, a supply. While in that situation 
I saw at some distance a dead man lying near a small locust tree. 
As he appeared to be much better dressed than our men generally 
were, I asked a man who was passing me, if he knew who it was. 
He replied "it is Doctor Warren 


12 




I did not personally know Doctor Warren, but was well acquaint¬ 
ed with his public character. He had been recently appointed a 
General in our service, but had not taken any command. He was 
President of the Provineial Congress then sitting in Watertown, 
and having heard that there would probably be an action, had 
come to share in whatever might happen, in the character of a vo¬ 
lunteer and was unfortunately killed early in the action. His death 
was a severe misfortune to his friends and country. Posterity 
will appreciate his worth and do honour to his memory. He is 
immortalized as a patriot, who gloriously fell in the defence of 
freedom. 

The number of our troops in action as near as I was able to as¬ 
certain did not exceed fifteen hundred. The force of the British, 
at the commencement of the action, was estimated at about the 
same number, but they were frequently reinforced. 

Had our ammunition held out, or had we been supplied with 
only fifteen or twenty rounds, I have no doubt but that we should 
have killed and wounded the greatest part of their army, and com¬ 
pelled the remainder to have laid down their arms; for it was with 
the greatest difficulty that they were brought up the last time. 
Our fire was so deadly, particularly to the officers, that it would 
have been impossible to have resisted it, but for a short time 
longer. 

I did not see a man quit his post during the action, and do not 
believe a single soldier, who was brought into field fled, until the 
whole army was obliged to retreat, for want of powder and ball. 

The total loss of the British was about twelve hundred; up¬ 
wards of five hundred killed and between six and seven hundred 
wounded. The Welch fusileers suffered most severely; they 
came into action five hundred strong, and all were killed or wound¬ 
ed but eighty-three. 

I will mention an extraordinary circumstance to show how far 
the temporary reputation of a man may affect the minds of all 
classes of society. 

General Putnam had entered our army at the commencement 
of the revolutionary war, with such an universal popularity as can 
scarcely now be conceived, even by those who then felt the whole 


13 


force of it, and no one can at this time offer any satisfactory reasons 
why he was held in such high estimation. 

In the battle of Bunker Hill he took post on the declivity to - 
wards Charlestown J\/eck) where I saw him on horseback as we pass¬ 
ed on to Breed’s Hill, with Col. Gerrish by his side. I heard the gal¬ 
lant Col. Prescott (who commanded in the redoubt) observe, after 
the war, at the table of his Excellency James Boudoin , then Gover¬ 
nor of this Commonwealth, “ that he sent three messengers during 
the battle to Gen. Putnam , requesting him to come forward and 
take the command, there being no general officer present, and the 
relative rank of the Colonel not having been settled; but that he 
received no answer, and his whole conduct was such, both during 
the action and the retreat, that he ought to have been shot.” He 
remained at or near the top of Bunker Hill until the retreat, with 
colonel Gerrish by his side: I saw them together when we retreat¬ 
ed. He not only continued at that distance himself during the 
whole of the action, but had a force with him nearly as large as 
that engaged. No reinforcement of men or ammunition was sent 
to our assistance; and, instead of attempting to cover the retreat of 
those who had expended their last shot in the face of the enemy, 
he retreated in company with colonel Gerrish , and his whole force, 
without discharging a single musket; but what is still more as¬ 
tonishing, colonel Gerrish was arrested for cowardice , tried % cashier¬ 
ed , and universally execrated; while not a word was said against 
the conduct of general Putnam , whose extraordmary popularity 
alone saved him, not only from trial , but even from censure. Co¬ 
lonel Gerrish commanded a regiment, and should have been at its 
head. His regiment was not in action, although ordered; but as he 
was in the suite of the general, and appeared to be in the situation 
of adjutant general, why was he not directed by Putnam to join it, 
or the regiment sent into action under the senior officer present 
with it? 

When general Putnam's ephemeral and unaccountable popu¬ 
larity subsided or faded away, and the minds of the people were 
released from the shackles of a delusive trance, the circumstances 
relating to Bunker Hill were viewed and talked of in a very differ¬ 
ent light , and the selection of the unfortunate colonel Gerrish as a 
scape-goat) considered as a mysterious and inexplicable event. 


14 


I have no private feelings to gratify by making this statement 
in relation to general Putnam , as I never had any intercourse with 
him, and was only in the army where he was present, for a few 
months; but, at this late period, I conceive it a duty to give a fair 
and impartial account of one of the most important battles during 
the war of independence, and all the circumstances connected with 
it, so far as I had the means of being correctly informed. 

It is a duty 1 owe to posterity, and the character of those brave 
officers who bore a share in the hardships of the revolution. 

Nothing like discipline had entered our army at that time. Ge¬ 
neral Ward, then commander in chief, remained at his quarters in 
Cambridge , and apparently took no interest or fiart in the transac¬ 
tions of the day. 

No general officer, except Putnam , appeared in sight, nor did 
any officer assume the command, undertake to form the troops, or 
give any orders, in the course of the action, that I heard, except 
colonel Stark , who directed his regiment to reserve their fire on 
the retreat of the enemy, until they advanced again. 

Every platoon officer was engaged in discharging his own mus¬ 
ket, and left his men to fire as they pleased, but never without a 
sure aim at some particular object, which was more destructive 
than any mode which could have been adopted with troops who 
were not inured to discipline, and never had been in battle, but 
who still were familiar with the use of arms, from boyhood, and 
each having his peculiar manner of loading and firing, which had 
been practised upon for years, with the same gun, any attempt to 
control them by uniformity and system, would have rendered their 
fires infinitely less fatal to the enemy. Not an officer or soldier 
of the continental troops engaged was in uniform, but were in the 
plain and ordinary dress of citizens; nor was there an officer on 
horseback. 


(Signed) 


H. DEARBORN 


15 


REMARKS 


ON 

M. DE BERNIER’S PLAN OF THE BATTLE. 
BY GENERAL DEARBORN. 

The road should run as marked with red. 

The redoubt should front Copp’s Hill, as marked with red. The breast¬ 
work whioh run from the redoubt, was not as long as laid down, in that 
direction, but as marked with red. 

Note 1.* The first position, before any attack, after moving from Mor¬ 
ton’s Point, and the reinforcements joined, was as marked red, F. P. 

Note 2. The second position was as marked with red, the right having 
been thrown forward, and the left back. General Howe was near where 
the words “ General Pigot ” are marked, during the whole action, and ne¬ 
ver was in front of the “ rail fence." The line marked red on the left of 
the “ Grenad .” was the regiment of Welsh Fusileers , which was reduced 
from 500 to 80, during the action, and nearly all the light infantry which 
attempted to turn the left of the line at the rail fence, were killed or 
wounded. 

Note 3. The troops which had been engaged in front of the “ redoubt 
“ railfencef and on the beach of Mystic river, had been repulsed a num¬ 
ber of times, and were so broken and cut up, that they did not assist in the 
assault on the “ redoubt ,” which was stormed by a column that came out 
of Charlestown, or from that direction, and entered on the side as marked 
red, when the Americans retreated out through a gateway in the rear, to¬ 
wards Bunker Hill, as marked with red, and received the fire of the rear 
of the column, which wheeled up as marked with red, and threw in a heavy 
flank fire. Here most of the Americans were killed or wounded that fell 
during the action. 

The troops under generals Howe and Pigot did not get formed, and 
again advance, until the redoubt was stormed, when the troops at the rail 
fence gave way; not in consequence of the force opposed to them, as none 
appeared but a few detached parties, but because their ammunition was ex¬ 
pended. 


See the margin of the Map, 


16 


Note 4. The cannon on Morton’s Point are represented as firing. Not a 
shot was fired from those pieces. The fixed ammunition sent with them 
was for larger cannon, and therefore could not be used. 

Note 5. The “ breast work ” was simply a “ rail fence” with “ hay ” hung 
on it. There were no “pickets,” or “ stones ,” except on the beach , at the 
extreme left, where a slight stone wall was thrown up during the action 
There were no “ cannon” at the “ rail fence,” or in action any where. 

Note 6. The shipK, instead of being in that position, was where a red 
ship is placed, which, with the floating battery, kept up a fire across the 
Neck, when the Americans went oyer it, and on their retreat. 

Note 7. There was but one gondala, or floating battery, where two are 
placed—the other was in Mystic river, as marked with red. 

Note 8. There were no “ rebels” in action except those at the u rail 
fence” and in the “ redoubt” There were no trees on the whole peninsula, 
except some half a dozen locusts, as many soverns, and a few apple trees. 
It appears by the plan that there were rows of trees on each side of the road, 
all over Bunker and Breed’s Hills, and most of the peninsula;—they should 
be left out. 

Note 9. There were no American troops at P, and the grenadiers were 
opposite the left of the M rail fence.” 

The red W is where general Warren was killed, early in the action, 
near a small locust tree, where I saw him laying just before the redoubt 
was stormed. 

Breed’s Hill, in the plan, is called “ Bunker Hill.” I have marked them 
both with red ink. The redoubt is on Breed’s Hill. 

The red lines G P, over the breast work marked T, thrown up by the 
British after the retreat, are where the troops under general Putnam took 
post, and which did not go into action, but remained there during the whole 
time, and retreated with those who had been engaged. 

+ This mark is where Pitcairn was killed as he was going from the left 
of the British line, as marked with red, with orders from general Howe for 
the light infantry, on the shore of Mystic river. 

____R S. These red lines, in rear of the rail fence, mark 

the position of Stark’s and Reid’s regiments. 

The troops in the redoubt were commanded by colonel Prescott. 

Boston , 27th December , 1817. 





TO 






MAJOR GENERAL DEARBORN, 


REPELLING 


HIS UNPROVOKED ATTACK ON THE CHARACTER 


OF THE LATE 

MAJOR GENERAL PUTNAM; 


AND CONTAINING 


SOME ANECDOTES RELATING TO 


THE 


BATTLE OF BUNKER-HILL, 


NOT GENERALLY KNOWN. 

===== 

BY DANIEL PUTNAM, ESQ. 

, A 


.“ Nothing extenuate 

Nor set down aught in malice.” 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PUBLISHED BY HARRISON HALL, 
(Port Folio Office ) 

NO. 133 CHESNUT STREET. 

J. Maxwell, Printer. 

1818 . 

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LETTER TO MAJ. GEN. DEARBORN. 


.“ Nothing extenuate, 

Nor set down aught in malice.” 


Sir, — It was not until the 29th of April, that I saw a publics 
tion, entitled, “ An Account of the Battle of Bunker-hill; written 
for the Port Folio, at the request of the Editor, by H. Dearborn, 
Major General U. S. Army.” 

This production, as unworthy of the rank you bear, as it is void 
of truth in some of its most prominent parts, I have read with 
mingled emotions of indignation and contempt. 

What, Sir, could tempt you at this distant period to disturb the 
ashes of the dead, and thus, in the face of truth, to impose on the 
public such a miserable libel on the fair fame of a man who “ ex¬ 
hausted his bodily strength, and expended the vigour of a youth¬ 
ful constitution in the service of his country?” What, above all 
things, could induce you to assail the character of General Put - 
warn, in a point most of all others, perhaps, unassailable; and to 
impeach with cowardice, a man always foremost in danger? a man, 
of whom it was proverbially said, as well by British as Provincial 
officers, that in a service of great peril and hardship, from 1755 to 
1763, “ He dared to lead where any dared to follow?” 

It was from a full conviction of this truth in the public mind 
and from a confidence in his experience, patriotism, and fidelity 



4 


to his country, that u General Putnam entered our army at the 
u commencement of the revolutionary war with such an universa 
“ popularity as can scarcely now he conceived , even by those who 
“ then felt the whole force of it,” But, however “ universal 
however u extraordinary,” however K unaccountable,” may have 
been this u popularity” to a mind jaundiced by envy, and smarting 
under the sting of popular odium, even while loaded with Executive 
favor, it was not quite so “ ephemeral nor did it so soon “ fade 
away,” as you would now fain make the public believe. On the 
contrary, it was his lot, while in service, generally to have the 
post of danger and importance assigned him. 

When the British army left Boston, in the spring of 1776, he 
was ordered to New-York, for the defence oft hat city; Major 
General Lee, who had been sent there the January preceding, 
having gone on to South-Carolina. I am unwilling to swell this 
letter by introducing any thing not directly in point; but, since it 
can hardly be supposed that the “ extraordinary popularity ” of 
General Putnam should have so entirely imposed on the discrimi¬ 
nating mind of Washington, after a daily and most familiar in¬ 
tercourse from July to March, as to have led him to commit the 
defence of that important post to the Coward of Bunker-Hill, I 
take the liberty of inserting the following 

“ Orders and Instructions for Major-General Putnam. 

“ As there are the best reasons to believe that the enemy’s fleet and 
army, which left Nantasket road last Wednesday evening, are bound to 
New-York, to endeavour to possess that important post, and, if possible, 
to secure the communication by Hudson’s river to Canada; it must be our 
care to prevent them from accomplishing their design. To that end, 
I have detached Brigadier-General Heath, with the whole body of rifle¬ 
men, and five battalions of the Continental army, by way of Norwich in 
Connecticut, to New York. These, by an express arrived yesterday from 
general Heath, I have reason to believe are in New York. Six more 
battalions, under general Sullivan, march this morning by the same route, 
and will, I hope, arrive there in eight or ten days at the farthest. The rest 
of the army will immediately follow in divisions, leaving only a conveni¬ 
ent space between each division, to prevent confusion and want of ac¬ 
commodation upon their march. 

“ You will, no doubt, make the best despatch in getting to New York. 
Upon your arrival there, you will assume the command, and immediately 
proceed in continuing to execute the plan, proposed by major-general 


5 


Lee, for fortifying 1 that city, and securing the passes of the East and North 
rivers. If, upon consultation with the brigadier-generals and engineers, 
any alteration in that plan is thought necessary, you are at liberty to 
make it, cautiously avoiding to break in too much upon his main design, 
unless where it may be apparently necessary so to do, and that, by the ge¬ 
nera .1 voice and opinion of the gentlemen above mentioned. 

“ You will meet the quarter-master-general, colonel Mifflin, and com¬ 
missary-general, [colonel Trumbull,] at New York. As these are both 
men of excellent talents in their different departments, you will do well 
to give them all the authority and assistance they require: and should a 
council of war be necessary, it is my direction they assist at it. 

“ Your long- service and experience , will, better than my particular di¬ 
rections at this distance, point out to you the works most proper to be first 
raised, and your perseverance , activity , and zeal, will lead you (without 
my recommending it,) to exert every nerve to disappoint the enemy’s de¬ 
signs. 

“ Devoutly praying that the Power which has hitherto sustained the 
American arms, may continue to bless them with the Divine protection, I 
bid you farewell. 

“ Given at head-quarters, in Cambridge, this 29th March, 1776. 

“ GEO. WASHINGTON.” 

The faithful execution of the duties here enjoined were ac¬ 
knowledged by the commander in chief after his arrival in New 
York, and his thanks were publicly expressed in general orders. 

Two days before the battle of Flat Bush, in consequence of the 
sickness of that excellent officer, major-general Greene, who had 
commanded on Long Island, general Putnam was ordered to the 
command of that post, and assisted in the arduous and complica¬ 
ted difficulties of that masterly retreat. 

In the memorable and distressing flight of the American army 
through New Jersey in 1776, general Putnam was always near— 
always the friend, the supporter, and confident of his beloved 
chief; and the moment after reaching the western bank of the 
Delaware with the rear of the army, he was ordered to Philadel¬ 
phia, to fortify and defend that city, against a meditated attack; 
concerning which general Washington thus expresses himself in 
a letter to general Putnam, dated 23d December, 1776. M If I 
had not been well convinced before, of the enemy’s intention to 
possess themselves of Philadelphia, as soon as the frost should 
form ice strong enough to support them and their artillery across 


6 


the Delaware, I have now obtained an intercepted letter, which 
places the matter beyond a doubt.” 

On the evening preceding the surprise of the Hessians at 
Trenton and while the army was paraded for that object, the ‘wri¬ 
ter was dispatched by the commander in chief, with a confidential 
message to general Putnam, apprising him of the pending 
event, and requiring him to be in perfect readiness to move at a 
moment’s warning wherever directed; and immediately after the 
action of Princeton , he was ordered to pass the Delaware with 
what force he had, to Croswix, and, soon after, to repair to Prince¬ 
ton, where he continued through the winter, within sixteen miles 
of the head-quarters of lord Cornwallis, and covering a large ex¬ 
tent of country with but a handful of men; and those almost en¬ 
tirely composed of New Jersey militia, who had but a short time 
previous, in despair at the aspect of public affairs, received writ¬ 
ten protections from the enemy, which they were now required 
by proclamation of Washington to give up, and subscribe alle¬ 
giance to the United States. It is a fact, that during one whole 
week of this time, general Putnam had no military force with him 
at Princeton, but a fine independent company from Baltimore, 
under captain Yates. 

In the spring of 1777, the important post of the Highlands on 
the Hudson, was committed to the defence of general Putnam; and 
though the loss of fort Montgomery was among the disasters of 
that campaign, yet a court of enquiry, upon mature deliberation, 
and with a full knowledge of the facts, reported the loss to have 
been occasioned by want of men , and not by any fault in the 
commander .” It evidently was not productive of any diminution 
of confidence in Washington; for the correspondence between 
him and general Putnam had been diffuse on the subject, in 
which it was expressly declared by the latter, “ that he would not 
nold himself responsible for the post committed to his care, with 
the small number of men left for its defence;” and when he had 
determined to erect another fortification for the defence of the 
river, he left it wholly to the judgment of general Putnam to fix 
the spot, who decided in favour of West Point; and, as his biog¬ 
rapher has remarked, “ It is no vulgar phrase to say, that to him 


7 


belongs the glory of having chosen this rock of our military sal¬ 
vation.” 

When the three armies , which had the preceding year acted 
separately, united at White Plains under Washington, general 
Putman was called to the command of the right wing. 

But why need instances be multiplied to show, that he , who 
now held the second rank in the American army, retained the con¬ 
fidence of him who in all points was deservedly acknowledged 
the first? I forbear to draw a comparison between his standing 
in the estimation of the American chief, and that of your's in the 
War department, through a succession of secretaries, who direct¬ 
ed the military operations of the late war. If a retrospect of facts 
and events, bring not a blush to your cheek, it must be that you 
are below shame. 

It has been reserved for you, sir, after a lapse of forty-three 
years, and when you probably supposed the grave had closed on 
all who would contradict your bold assertions, that you have thus, 
like an assassin in the dark, cowardly meditated this insiduous 
blow, against a character as much above your level, as your base 
calumny is beneath a gentleman and an officer. 

There yet lives one, who not only feels indignant at such un¬ 
merited abuse of his father’s name, but who has, also, a personal 
knowledge of most of the military concerns of general Putnam 
through the revolutionary war, having been the greater part of 
that time attached to his family, and in possession of his confi¬ 
dence. Regardless of consequences, he will not shun to declare 
the truth, though it may bear hard on the licentious assertions of 
major-general Dearborn. 

You commence your work by saying that “ On the 1 6th June y 
1775, it was determined that a fortified fiost should be established 
at or near Bunker's Hill.” This determination was made in a 
council of war at which general Putnam assisted; and (without 
asserting what cannot now be proved, that the proposition for oc¬ 
cupying that post originated with him)—he it was, who went oh 
with the first detachment, and commenced the work—he was 
the principal agent or “ engineer,” who traced the lines of the re¬ 
doubt, and he continued most, if not all the night with the work- 


8 


men: at any rate he was on the spot before sun-rise in the morn¬ 
ing, and “ taken his station,” as you say, " on the top of Bunker’s 
Hill, where the regiment of colonel Stark halted a few moments 
for the rear to come up.” Here, you roundly assert, he “ remain - 
u ed during the whole action , with nearly as many men as had been 
u engaged in the battle; notwithstanding which , no measures had 
il been taken for reinforcing us , nor was there a shot fired to cover 
“ our retreat , nor any movement made to check the advance of the 
“ enemy; but on the contrary , general Putnam rode off WITH A 
“ NUMBER OF SPADES AND PICK-AXES IN HIS 
‘ HANDS, AND THE TROOPS THAT HAD REMAINED 
“ WITH HIM INACTIVE.” 

When a man undertakes to deviate from truth , he should en¬ 
deavour to veil falsehood with at least some appearance of pro¬ 
bability. Was it, then, cowardice , or treachery , that kept gene¬ 
ral Putnam in this disgraceful situation during the battle? If the 
former, can it be conceived, that under the galling fire of a pur¬ 
suing enemy, he would thus encumber himself with such a load? 
“ A NUMBER of spades and pick-axes** would be no very con¬ 
venient appendage for a flying coward, who had to pass the same 
u galling cross fire of the enemy f which caused the dauntless 
captain Dearborn, but a few hours before to urge colonel Stark 
u to quicken his march** If treachery were the cause, is it not 
surprising, that he should have retained the confidence of his 
country and commander to the close of the war. 

My object, sir, is to elicit truth , and to correct misrepresenta¬ 
tion; and if in the course of this investigation it should be found, 
that general Putnam was not u inactive during the whole of the 
action” at Bunker Hill, but that he participated in the danger as 
well as the glory of that day—I hope it will detract nothing from 
your courage , whatever it may do from your veracity. 

It would seem from your statement, that little was done in that 
action, but by the regiments of Stark and Reed;—that it was these 
alone which lined the « rail-fence f and repelled the repeated as¬ 
saults of British veterans. 

But where was the brave captain Knowlton, with a detachment 
under his command, who first took possession of the ground — 


9 


who worked all night in raising the redoubt, and to whom as large 
a share of glory, as to any other force of equal number is justly 
due? The honourable judge Grosvenor, who was a wounded of- 
cer of that detachment—who entered the service one grade below 
you—who left it at the peace of 1783, your senior in rank—and 
whose character as a citizen or an officer will never suffer in com¬ 
parison with your’s shall be heard on this subject. 

“ Pomfret , April 30^,1818. 

“ My dear Sir,—In conformity to your request, I now state what came 
under my observation at the battle of Bunker Hill, at the commencement 
of the revolutionary war, and with as much precision as possible, at the 
distance of time that has intervened. 

“ Being under the command of general Putnam, part of our regiment, 
and a much larger number of Massachusetts troops under colonel Pres¬ 
cott, were ordered to march on the evening of the 16th of June, 1775, to 
Breed’s Hill, where, under the immediate superiutendance of general Put¬ 
nam, ground was broken and a redoubt formed. On the following day, 
the 17th, dispositions were made to deter the advance of the enemy, as 
there was reason to believe an immediate attack was intended. General 
Putnam during the period was extremely active, and directed principally 
the operations. All were animated, and their general inspired confidence 
by his example. The British army, having made dispositions for landing 
at Morton’s Point, were covered by the fire of shot and shells from Copp’s 
Hill in Boston, which it had opened on our redoubt early in the morning, 
and continued the greatest part of the day. At this moment a detachment 
of four lieutenants (of which I was one) and one hundred and twenty men, 
selected the preceding day from general Putnam’s regiment * under cap¬ 
tain Knowlton, were, by the general order to take post at a rail-fence on 
the left of the breast-work, that ran north from the redoubt to the bottom 
of Breed’s Hill. This order was promptly executed, and our detachment 
in advancing to the post, took up one rail-fence and placed it against ano¬ 
ther, (as a partial cover) nearly parallel with the line of the breast-work, 
and extended our left nearly to Mystic river. Each man was furnished 
with one pound of gun-powder and forty-eight balls. This ammunition 
was received, howevever, prior to marching to Breed’s Hill. 

In this position our detachment remained until a second division of Bri¬ 
tish troops landed, when they commenced a fire of their field-artillery of 

* The general officers from Connecticut, in the campaign of 1775, had 
each a regiment, with lieutenamt-colonels under them. 

B 


10 


several rounds, and particularly against the rail-fence; then formed in co_ 
lumns, advanced to the attack, displayed in line at about the distance of 
musket shot, and commenced firing. At this instant our whole line opened 
upon the enemy, and so precise and fatal was our fire, that in the cours* 
of a short time they gave way and retired in disorder out of musket shot, 
leaving before us many killed and wounded. 

li There was but a short respite on the part of the British, as their lines 
were soon filled up, and led against us; when they were met as before, and 
forced back with great loss. 

“ On reinforcements joining the enemy, they made a direct advance on 
the redoubt, and being successful, which our brave Capt. Knowlton per¬ 
ceiving, ordered a retreat of his men, in which he was sustained by two com¬ 
panies under the command of Captains Clark and Chester. 

“ The loss in our detachment I presume was nearly equal. Of my 
own immediate command of thirty men and one subaltern, there were 11 
killed and wounded; among the latter was myself, though not so severely 
as to prevent my retiring. 

“ At the * rail-fence ’ there was not posted any corps save our own un¬ 
der Knowlton , at the lime the firing commenced; nor did I hear of any other 
being there till long after the action. Other troops, it was said, were order¬ 
ed to join us, but refused doing so. 

*' Of the officers on the ground, the most active within my observation 
were Gen. Putnam, Col. Prescott, and Capt. Knowlton; but no doubt there 
were many more equally brave and meritorious, who must naturally have 
escaped the eye of one attending to his own immediate command. 

“ Thus you have a brief statement of my knowledge of the action, with¬ 
out descending to minute particulars. To conclude, it is matter of sur¬ 
prize, even of astonishment to me, my dear sir, that I am called on to state 
my opinion of the character of your honored father, Gen. Putnam; who 
was ever the first in public life, at the post of honor, and danger; and who, 
in his private conduct was excelled by none. Look but at his services in 
the French and Indian wars from 1755 to 63, and finally at those of the 
revolution, and you will need no proof to refute the calumny of common 
defamers. 

“ With respect, 1 am, yours truly. 

“ THOS: GROSVENOR. 

ii Colonel Daniel Putnam.” 

This statement from a gentleman of truth and honor, differs es¬ 
sentially in many points from that made by you. It contradicts 
your assertion that there was no field artillery , used by the British 
army. It contradicts the assertion, which to military men "would 


/ 


11 


hardly need contradiction, that the position at the “ rail-fence was 
taken by the direction of the committee of safety .” It makes void 
the insinuation that Stark’s and Reed’s regiments were the only 
troops posted at the “ rail-fence;” and it even makes it doubtful if 
they were there at all. That they were not , when the firing 
commenced, Col. Grosvenor states clearly, and those who know 
the modest unassuming deportment of this respectable man, and 
his caatious character, will be sure that he says nothing posi¬ 
tively, but what he knows fully and recollects distinctly. It shows 
too, and that pretty clearly, that either Captain Dearborn with 
his “full company” (consisting at that time of ninety six) were 
very fortunate in escaping the British fire, or that they were 
less exposed to it than Knowlton’s detachment, which had about 
one third of their number killed and wounded, while of Captain 
Dearborn’s only six were hurt. It shows, if you were on the 
ground, and had the knowledge of facts which you claim to have, 
that you have done injustice, not only to Gen. Putnam , but to the 
companies of Clark and Chester , both of whom were known to suf¬ 
fer loss in covering the retreat from the u rail-fence.” It shows, 
that orders were given , and dispositions for defence made , by 
other officers than Col. Stark and Capt. Dearborn. It shows, 
in fine, that nearly your whole statement of the transactions of 
that memorable day must have resulted either from ignorance or 
misrepresentation. 

Let nothing, which is here or elsewhere said be construed into 
a wish of the writer, to detract, in any way whatever, from the mer¬ 
its of the veteran Gen. Stark. He honours his name, his patriotism, 
and his important services to his country, in that war which gave 
it Freedom and Independence; and is thankful to that Being who 
has given him a heart to rejoice in the honest fame of others, with¬ 
out coveting one jot or tittle of their merited applause. He hopes 
this aged and long devoted servant of the public may be permitted 
to descend to his grave in peace and honor; and that no ruthless 
hand may be found, after a rest of more than forty years, to drag 
before the tribunal of a succeeding generation, and to couple with 
infamy and dishonor, a Name so long renowned for valour! 

I beg pardon, sir, for this digression—it was an apostrophe 
not to be resisted, and I now proceed to lay before you further 


12 


evidence on the subject—for I had scarce gone through the read¬ 
ing of your ridiculous tale , before a letter was put into my hand, by 
Charles H. Hall, Esq. from Col. John Trumbull, of New-York,— 
an officer of distinction in the revolutionary war, and now a cele¬ 
brated historical painter, employed in his profession by the gov¬ 
ernment of the United States. 

As this letter affords some evidence of the “ station” of Gen. 
Putnam, during the action; and does not fully coincide with your 
account of the death of the immortal Warren, I shall by his per¬ 
mission, make use of it in this place. 

“ JSTew York, 30th March, 1818. 

“ Dear Sir, 

“ Mr. Hall has just shown me the Port-Folio of lasfmonth, containing 
an account of the battle of Bunker Hill, which appears to have been writ¬ 
ten for the mere purpose of introducing a most unjustifiable attack upon 
the memory of your excellent father. 

“It is strange that men cannot be contented with their own honest share 
of fame, without attempting to detract from that of others:—but, after the 
attempts which have |been made to diminish the immortal reputation of 
Washington, who shall be surprized or who repine at this enviable atten¬ 
dant on human greatness. 

“ In all cases like this, perhaps, the most unquestionable testimony is 
that which is given by an enemy. 

“ ‘ In the summer of 1786 I became acquainted in London, with Col. 
John Small , of the British army, who had served in America many years, 
and had known General Putnam intimately during the war of Canada from 
1756 to 1763. From him, I had the two following anecdotes respecting 
the battle of Bunker Hill;—1 shall nearly repeat his words:—Looking at 
the Picture which I had then almost completed, he said: ‘J don't like the 
situation in which you have placed my old friend Putnam; you have not 
done him justice. I wish you would alter that part of your Picture, and 
introduce a circumstance which actually happened, and which I can never 
forget When the British troops advanced the second time to the attack of 
the redoubt , I, with the other officers, was in front of the line to encourage 
the men: we had advanced very near the works undisturbed, when an irregu¬ 
lar fire, like a feu-de-joie was poured in upon us; it was cruelly fatal . The 
troops fell back, and when I looked to. the right and lft, I saw not one offi¬ 
cer standing;—I glanced my eye to the enemy, and saw several young men 
levelling their pieces at me; I knew their excellence as marksmen, and con - 
sidered myself gone. At that moment my old friend Putnam rushedfor¬ 
ward, and striking up the muzzles of their pieces with his sword, cried out, 


13 


*- 

“ For God’s sake, my lads, don’t fire at that man—I love him as I do my 
brother.” We were so near each other , that / heard his words distinctly. 
He was obeyed; I bowed , thanked him , and walked away unmolested." 1 

“ The other anecdote relates to the death of General Warren. 

“ ‘ At the moment when the troops succeeded in carrying 1 the redoubt, 
and the Americans were in full retreat, Gen. Howe (who had been hurt by 
a spent ball which bruised his ancle,) was leaning on my arm. He called 
suddenly to me: “ Do you see that elegant young man who has just fallen? 
Do you know him?” I looked to the spot towards which he pointed—“ Good 
God, Sir, I believe it is my friend Warren.” “ Leave me then instantly— 
run-—keep off the troops, save him if possible.”—I flew to the spot, “ My 
dear friend,” I said to him, “ I hope you are not badly hurt.”—he looked 
up, seemed to recollect me, smiled and died! A musket-ball had passed 
through the upper part of his head.’ 

“ Col. Small had the character of an honorable upright man, and could 
have no conceivable motive for deviating from truth in relating these cir¬ 
cumstances to me; I therefore believe them to be true. 

“ You remember, my dear Sir, the viper biting the file. The character 
of your father for courage, humanity, generosity, and integrity is too firmly 
established, by the testimony of those who did know him , to be tarnished 
by the breath of one who confesses that he did not. 

“ Accept, my dear Sir, this feeble tribute to your father’s memory, from 
one who knew him, respected him, loved him—and who wishes health and 
prosperity to you and all the good man’s posterity. 

“JOHN TRUMBULL* 

“ Daniel Putnam , Esq.” 

I shall make no comment on the first anecdote by Col. Small, 
except that the circumstances were related by General Putnam 
without any essential alteration, soon after the Battle; and that 
there was an interview of the parties on the lines between Pros¬ 
pect and Bunker-Hill, at the request of Col. Small, not long after¬ 
wards. 

Respecting the death of Warren, there is a trifling disagree¬ 
ment. In the one case, we are to understand, that, after having 
expended your ammunition—during the height of conflict, and 
while the redoubt was still possessed by the Americans, you left 
your post, and deliberately traversed the field of slaughter, to rifle 
the dying and the dead of such portion of their “ gill-cup, ” of 
powder, as they had not been spared to use, when—you saw War* 
ren dead by a small locust tree! 




14 


In the other case, it is asserted, (with something like the ap¬ 
pearance of truth indeed,) that he fell at the moment the redoubt 
was gained by the British—that he was seen by Gen. Howe to fall, 
and was yet alive when spoken to by Col. Small, after the retreat 
of the Americans. 

Both statements cannot be true. You, perhaps, better than I, 
know to which the truth belongs. 

You have undertaken, sir, to inform many who never saw Gen. 
Putnam, and some probably, who never before heard his name, of 
the public estimation in which he vras held at the “ commencement 
of the revolutionary warj” and it is no trivial consolation to the 
writer, after the unworthy means you have used to defame his 
character, that he is able to show from an authentic source, in 
what light he was viewed at the close of that war , by him who 
had the best means of knowing , and, of all other men, the best 
talents for judging of the merits and services of officers under 
his command. 

Let the u Father of his Country’* be heard—for though 
dead, he yet speaketh, and his testimony will be respected when 
the name and character of the subject of this address, shall be 
no longer remembered. 

“ Head-Quarters , 2 d June , 1783. 

“Dear Sir,—“Y our favor of the 20th of May, I received with much 
pleasure. For I can assure you, that, among the many worthy and meri¬ 
torious officers with whom I have had the happiness to be connected in ser¬ 
vice through the course of this war, and from whose cheerful assistance in 
the various and trying vicissitudes of a complicated contest, the name of a 
Putnam is not forgotten; nor will it be, but with that stroke of time which 
shall obliterate from my mind the remembrance of all those toils and fa¬ 
tigues through which we have struggled, for the preservation and establish¬ 
ment of the rights, liberties, and independence of our country. 

“ Your congratulations on the happy prospect of peace and independent 
security, with their attendant blessings to the United States, I receive with 
great satisfaction; and beg you will accept a return of my gratulations to 
you, on this auspicious event—an event, in which, great as it is in itself, 
and glorious as it will probably be in its consequences, you have a right to 
participate largely , from the distinguished part you have contributed to¬ 
wards its attainment. 


15 


“ But, while I contemplate fhe greatness of the object for which we have 
contended, and felicitate you on the happy issue of our toils and labours, 
which have terminated with such general satisfaction; I lament that you 
should feel the ungrateful returns of a country* in whose service you have 
exhausted your bodily strength, and expended the vigor of a youthful con¬ 
stitution. I wish, however, that your expectations of returning liberality 
may be verified. I have a hope they may; but should they not, your case 
will not be a singular one. Ingratitude has been experienced in all ages, 
and republics in particular have ever been famed for the exercise of that 
unnatural and sordid vice. 

“ The secretary at war, who is now here, informs me that you have ever 
been considered as entitled to full pay since your absence from the field,f 
and that you will be considered in that light till the close of the war; at 
which period you will be equally entitled to the same emoluments of half 
pay or commutation as other officers of your rank. The same opinion is 
also given by the paymaster-general, who is now with the army, empower¬ 
ed by Mr. Morris for the settlement of all their accounts, and who will 
attend to your’s whenever you shall think proper to send on for that pur¬ 
pose; which it will probably be best for you to do in a short time. 

“ I anticipate with pleasure the day, (and I trust not far off,) when I shall 
quit the busy scenes of military employment, and retire to the more tran¬ 
quil walks of domestic life. In that, or whatever other situation Provi¬ 
dence may dispose of my future days, the remembrance of the many 

FRIENDSHIPS AND CONNECTIONS I HAVE HAD THE HAPPINESS TO CONTRACT 
WITH THE GENTLEMEN OF THE ARMY, WILL BE ONE OF MY MOST GRATEFUL 
REFLECTIONS, 

“ Under this contemplation, and impressed with the sentiments of be¬ 
nevolence and regard, I commend you, my dear sir, my other friends, and, 
with them, the interests and happiness of our dear country, to the keeping 
and protection of ALMIGHTY GOD. 

“ I have the honour to be, &c. &c. 

“ GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

“ To the Hon. Major-General Putnam.” 

Here, sir, is unequivocal evidence, either that Washington was 
a man of guile , who said what he believed not, and commended 
whom he approved not; or that, penetrating as his mind was, it 

* Alluding to .the public dissatisfaction in Connecticut, and the clamor 
about half pay and commutation. 

f General Putnam had a paralytic stroke in the year 1780, (occasioned 
by long exposure to extreme cold weather,) which disabled him from ser¬ 
vice ever after. 


16 


still remained fettered with u the shackles of a delusive trance f 
which u the people were releasedfrom, when General Putnam's 
ephemeral and unaccountable popularity subsided, or faded 
away 99 ! ! 

But when did this happen? When were “ the minds of the 
People released from the shackles of this delusive trance 99 ? When 
were u the circumstances relating to Bunker-hill viewed and 
talked of in a very different light" ? When was u the unfortu¬ 
nate Colonel Gerrish 99 considered u as the scape-goat 99 on whose 
head was laid the cowardice of General Putnam? His name has 
rested in peace and honour now thirty years, undisturbed by the 
sacrilegious pen of calumny; and not, till your “ mysterious 
and inexplicable account of the Battle of Bunker-hill 99 found its 
way into the Port folio , was the public sentiment changed concern¬ 
ing him. Why else, was this publication so imperiously called 
for, that it became a “ duty you owed to posterity and the 

CHARACTER OF THE BRAVE OFFICERS WHO BORE A SHARE IN THE 

hardships of the revolution,” to publish such a disgraceful 
libel, and that too, u without any private feelings to gratify 99 ? 

Sir—this veil is too thin to hide the malignity of your heart, or 
the selfishness of your views. The truth, however you may strive 
to disguise it, is this:—As “ Commander in Chief,” your “ bed 99 
of military honor “ is shorter, than that a man can stretch him¬ 
self on it 99 —the “ covering 99 for disgrace, u narrower than that you 
can wrap yourself in it 99 —Hence, resort has been had to a fic¬ 
titious tale of the Battle of Bunker Hill, coupled with which, it is 
questionable if captain Dearborn’s name was ever found, till you 
made yourself the hero of your own romance . 

You might have sounded the trumpet of your own fame undis¬ 
turbed by me, till you had wearied yourself with the blast.—But 
’tis the command of God that we honor our Father , and “ while 
I live, I’ll speak,” when any shall wantonly, and maliciously, en¬ 
deavour to cast dishonor on his name. 

That you have done so, is the sole cause of drawing this letter 
from one, who lives in retirement, without any immediate concern 
in public affairs, nor any wish regarding them, but that the coun¬ 
try of his birth and best affections may long continue to enjoy the 
Blessing of Heaven in such wise and virtuous councils, as will 


17 




by a just dispensation of the benefits of a free government, ulti¬ 
mately unite all hearts in its support:—from one who has no per¬ 
sonal knowledge of you; and who, though constantly with the 
army of the revolution from 1775 to *80, hardly recollects to have 
heard your name, till announced at the head of the war department. 
His impressions of your character from that time to the present, 
have been drawn from public opinion , and not from party preju¬ 
dice or private animosity. It was not necessary in this letter, to 
state these impressions/w//t/; nor has it in any case been done, 
but by comparison with the character you have unjustly assailed, 
and in seeking a motive for the cruel assault. 

If, in doing this, any thing has escaped his pen bordering on 
severity, the provocation must be his excuse:—and where that is 
impartially weighed, the blame, if any will rest, not on him, but o* 
yourself. 

There is yet one more passage to notice; and I have done. I al¬ 
lude to the declaration which you ascribe to Col. Prescott, as 
having been made u at the table of the late Governor Bowdoin.” 

It is not possible for me to prove that Colonel Prescott did not 
make such a declaration. But I have proved , that what you allege 
to have been said by him could not be true. It is well known that Col. 
Prescott sustained a high and honourable reputation; and that he 
was well acquainted with General Putnam, and must have known 
the opinions which the distinguished men of the revolution enter¬ 
tained of his individual and military character. It must, therefore, 
be left to the public to decide, whether it is most probable that 
Col. Prescott made the assertion which youhave imputed to him; 
or whether, like many other representations you have made, it has 
no foundation in fact. 

Many other mis-statements in your book might be noticed and 
refuted; but I am weary and disgusted with the pollution of its 
pages, and, as my sole object has been to vindicate a slandered 
character, I hasten to give you the name of 

DANIEL PUTNAM. 

Brooklyn, Connecticut, 4th May, 1818. 


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